Yet, Aristide who was born into abject poverty as Aristil on July 15, 1954, claimed to be anti-pockets of poverty, say blanket – poverty. "The poor always ye have with you, said Jesus, and 2,000 years later the perpetual abject poverty in my country of Haiti has not proven him wrong," contended Aristide.

More broadly argued the then exiled president, "As we are approaching the end of this millennium, it is unacceptable for almost eight million people to live permanently hungry; it is unacceptable for almost eight million people to be permanently racked by parasites."

With the same anti-dictatorship rhetoric that first won him the sympathy of U.S. President Clinton, some members of Congress and others, and that, right after the 1991 Haitian military "Coup de Force," Aristide promised to embrace democratic ideals upon his return to Haiti.

But others had not thought so. Aristide, more than any contemporary figure in Latin America, will always stand for the dictatorship of the proletariat in Haiti. This form or despotic control of power, however, has always been at the center of conflict between Marxism and revisionism. Mao Ze-dong or Mao Tse-t’ung, for example, struggled fiercely against the views of Nikita Khrushchev and his chinese counterparts who argued the possibility of a "state of the whole people," that is, a state that was not characterized by the dictatorship of one class over another.  

In radio addresses to the Haitian people in the days that led to his historic return to Haiti in October 1994, Aristide widened his distance from the economic system of capitalism. And that was just a few months after he spoke highly of the said system on American television. "The proletariat must exercise its all-round dictatorship, in other words, that it should strive to occupy all of the commanding heights of society – the political power, of course, but also control of the economy, education – all aspects of social life."

For everyone’s sake, in one of my attacks on Arisitide’s politics, I seized on the opportunity to offer an explanation of his views that really aimed at the simple-minded Haitians (or those who could not grasp dialectics) to his U.S. Government official benefactors, foes, and news media as well. "Aristide is a serious threat to democracy and economic well-being. Aristide is no less of a human rights perpetrator than Chile’s Agusto Pinochet and Uganda’s Idi Amin Dada."

"In fact, detailed reports of gross human rights violations perpetrated during his 1991 short-lived government include: extra-judicial executions, disappeared people, torture or ill-treatment by security forces or other government authorities, prisoners of conscience, and arrest or detention without trial."

I assume that Aristide, now a bourgeois himself, knows well that in whatever sphere the power of the proletariat will not reach, and the power of the "de minimus" Haitian bourgeoisie will remain and grow. Still, as Aristide continues to campaign for the Haitian presidency, and the son of Nikita Khrushcev (in 1962, during a visit to the United Nations, father pounded his U.S. made shoes on a desk and promised to bury capitalism), Sergei Khrushchev, now a U.S. citizen, he recently pointed out that "The fundamental right of labor (or the proletariat) is to rule". And without this understanding any talk of the rights of labor in Haitian society is meaningless."

"Aristide is making money off our misfortune. He promised us work after graduation at age 18." These were the words of about 40 unemployed or underemployed protesters on June 24, 1999, and who had previously graduated from Aristide's orphanage, "Family Is Life."

Nothing will change under an Aristide totalitarian dictatorship of the far-left, except Haitians, on the average, will be poorer. More people will loose their lives in state-sponsored political violence.

As I told the Boston Herald six weeks ago, the rule of law will be absent. That's why bandits will rob people, kill people and not expect to be punished by the court system. Overall, Haiti will remain a country that knows only one thing: anarchy.

As Aristide and his associates steal into the night, they will take the bulk of the Haitian national treasury along with them to Switzerland banks. And as they acquire millions more dollars, Haitians will grow angry and hungry for a representative government. A representative government that could mean food, health care, and shelter. A representative government could also mean education for all citizens and an impartial, but effective criminal justice system.

All people commit gaffes. The 1991 "yes-vote" for Aristide for President was synonymous to committing mass suicide, as evidenced by Haiti's deplorable economic, political and social conditions over the past eight years.

Past experience enjoins caution. A "no-vote" for Aristide in the next year presidential election will prove that Haitians have something real to celebrate, there's something to be proud of. The birth of democracy, accompanied by sound economic and political policies, will mean a chance for citizens to begin lifting themselves above the low-income country abject poverty line. More broadly, benefiting from the world current economic expansion that has now begun to generate economic opportunities in former dictatorship states. ¨