Some parties rather than concede defeat have instead engineered street demonstrators and publicly advocated other deleterious acts that heightened tensions and made the affected countries almost ungovernable. For partisan reasons a few opposition parties were pre-occupied between elections, seeking support abroad and ridiculing their respective governments to every international organization willing to absorb their allegations of election rigging and undemocratic practices.

In other instances the intervening period had unveiled deep-rooted distrust that persuaded feuding parties to become mired in years of expensive litigation. Invariably, the opposition parties with limited resources to begin with, depleted their finances and were then decimated in subsequent elections. A few political leaders resorted to constitutional reforms to enhance the quality of representation and also reaffirmed changes to detrimental electoral systems in the vernacular of desperate parties seeking to improve success at the polls.

After the 1997 general elections in Guyana the opposition parties succeeded in paralyzing the country to protest alleged election inconsistencies. A month of widespread political turmoil was replaced by peace and tranquility only after intense discussions, engendered the Herdmanston Accord brokered by officials of CARICOM.

It should be remembered that in 1961 the Peoples Progressive Party (PPP) won a decisive election victory under Adult Suffrage and the concomitant result was an eight (80) day general strike (A Guinness book world record) and charges fomented that Western democracies had colluded (Cold War apprehensions) to remove a popular government. The subsequent three years Guyanese had to endure unprecedented social discord and ethnic conflict that culminated with about 150 people killed and damage to properties estimated in the millions of dollars.

Following the 1964 elections defeat the PPP had claimed once again that external intervention particularly from the West had assisted in their re-election demise. The PPP unsubstantiated allegations persisted generally after very election until their unexpected ascension to power in December 1992, ending almost 28 years as a reactive opposition party.

Since the introduction of Adult Suffrage in 1944, Jamaicans have elected 13 governments in elections marred by intense strife a derivative of inter-party antagonism. The Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) has won five general elections in addition to the 1983 uncontested victory, which the People’s National Party (PNP) boycotted because of apparent government intransigence. In the 12t^h general election since Independence, held on December 18, 1997, the PNP won its third consecutive majority government. The PNP had previously acquired power in 1955, 1959, 1972, 1989 and 1993.

Following the 1998 elections in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, defeated Unity Labour Party (ULP) through its leader issued a statement balking the outcome of a very close national vote. Vincent Beache had ostensibly cited electoral irregularities, fraud, bribery and intimidation. He reiterated that it was wholly immoral and politically untenable for the New Democratic Party (NDP) to accept governing in the context of a minority vote. The ULP had received 4,000 votes more and one (1) seat less than the NDP.

In other words the ULP suffered an unfortunate election lost under the first-past-the-post system, even though the party had gained more popular support than the NDP. Final results indicated that the NDP had gamered 28,052 votes or 54.62 percent of the votes cast to 23, 258 votes or 45.29 percent in favor of the ULP. A voter turnout of 67.53 percent eclipsed the mark obtained in 1994.

Again, prior to Guyana’s 1992 general elections opposition parties and widespread anti-government skepticism, affirmed that free and fair elections could not be held under the existing laws. Many detractors of the Peoples National Congress (PNC) requested and considered as a necessity the presence of international observers.

They had insisted on having external assistance to scrutinize from the compilation of the voter’s list to a thorough examination of the electoral laws and structures. Their demands had reflected a lack of trust in the government and urged that an investigation of procedures be adopted at each stage of the process (from the registration of voters and ballot counting to the declaration of final results).

In response to opposition charges there was an official request in July 1990 from then President Hugh Desmond Hoyte, consequently the commonwealth’s involvement in the electoral process in Guyana became unavoidable. The terms of reference given the Commonwealth Observer Group were limited in scope as it was obligated to conduct its affairs in accordance with the laws of Guyana relating to general elections. The Group had no executive role, its function was neither to supervise not to act as a commission of inquiry but to observe the process as a whole and to form a judgement as deemed appropriate.

At the 1989 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Kuala Lumpur there was a renewed commitment to strengthen the democratization process, seen as an important catalyst for political change in Commonwealth countries. The corollary is that Observer Missions have since been sent to countries in the Caribbean, Latin America, Africa, Malaysia, Bangladesh and Seychelles among other places.

Despite claims and counter claims of some self-serving politicians the English-speaking Caribbean region within the last four decades has developed an impressive capacity to sustain liberal democratic governments. It is difficult to find another region in the so-called Third World that has witnessed for so long as many liberal democratic polities.

Since the attainment of political independence beginning with Jamaica, then followed by Trinidad and Tobago in 1962, most if not all twelve CARICOM countries have consistently held fair elections. It may not be facetious to conclude that some people would reject this notion and point to Grenada and Guyana as definite exception where general elections in the past were not free from unconstitutional transfers of power.

During the post independence era Jamaica as well as Trinidad and Tobago have witnessed the removal of governing parties on three occasions while Barbados, Belize, Grenada and Guyana are among countries where transfer of power have occurred several times. Since 1978 the switch from government to opposition has happened twice in the Dominican Republic. The experience of political transmutation in most if not every other Caribbean country, has been a stark reality eventuating at least once in recent years.

A disturbing trend has emerged within the last decade, it began in 1989 when the New Democratic Party of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, swept to power for a second term with 66.2 percent of the popular votes and captured all 15 parliamentary seats. The resultant effect was that about a third of the population that had voted for the opposition was left without representation in the legislature. Despite encountering serious electoral problems in three consecutive elections, James F. Mitchell has nevertheless remained undaunted and well entrenched after more than fifteen years at the helm of politics in St. Vincent and the Grenadines.

There was also great disappointment for opposition adherents in another Caribbean country. Prime Minister Dr. Keith Mitchell of Grenada and current Chairman of CARICOM came to power in a landslide victory less than one year ago. The absence of elected opposition members in Legislative Bodies, signifies the existence of perhaps a virtual One Party State. This can pose an apparent threat to democratic rule and the protection of human rights. Will the government act wisely and pass constructive legislation, methodically introduce effective programs and strive to improve the social and economic conditions of the disadvantaged? The constituents who are now without representatives in parliaments should not be relegated to second class citizens or alienated in any way by the political and economic gladiators.

Again, in May 1997 the St. Lucia Labour Party led by Kenny Anthony won an astounding general election victory when he defeated the well-established United Workers Party, capturing all but one of the 17 seats in parliament. His shellacking of the UWP fell just short of duplicating Prime Minister James Mitchell accomplishment in St. Vincent almost eight years earlier.

The pattern of sparse opposition representation was also evident in Barbados as Prime Minister Owen Arthur easily won re-election. He stands to govern without any impediments having won all the seats in general elections held last March. It was proven once again when opposition parties do not comport themselves as legitimate and credible alternatives, voters will continue to re-elect governments to multi-terms much to the chagrin of many citizens.

Finally, Caribbean nationals must guard against newly elected governments that take the opportunity to promulgate draconian laws and implement inordinate tax measures to account for past mismanagement or their pre-election miscalculations.

A typical example recently took place in Jamaica when the imposition of harsh gasoline taxes, led to street rioting that ended with seven deaths and scores of people sustained serious physical injuries.

Even when economic uncertainty and political instability are averted many Caribbean countries with unreliable infrastructures can ill-afford, prolonged controversies over election results. Opposition parties must become more responsive to both domestic and international changes as they take place. The failures of some political parties to meet new challenges or attract dynamic leaders or formulate alternative programs and policies preclude their chances of gaining power in the near future.

Opposition parties must become more vigilant and avoid being passive observers as the countries degenerate into ruinous spots in the tropical sunshine. Rather, they should be in the vanguard of positive change and laying the foundation for our future generations.

It is unacceptable for any party seeking governance to begin its campaign a few weeks prior to the official announcement of the election date. The proliferation of technology through talk radio, numerous television, magazine shows and the Internet, makes year round dissemination of information easier. By working assiduously opposition parties will augment their support and consequently increase the verisimilitude of electoral victory.